The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 01 — Background and Themes
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Committee had no Secretary to take charge of the papers, and no regular place of deposit; the members themselves were perpetually changing, and each had equal access to the papers, and was equally responsible for their safe keeping. They were often in the hands of the Secretary of Congress, and of other members who wished to consult them. Nor does it appear, that copies were methodically taken till after the war. In such a state of things, many letters must necessarily have been withdrawn and lost. When Mr Jay became Secretary of Foreign Affairs, in the year 1784, that office had been made the place of deposit for all the foreign correspondence which then remained. Under his direction, a large portion of it was copied into volumes, apparently with much care, both in regard to the search after papers, and the accuracy of the transcribers. These volumes are still retained in the archives of the Department of State, together with such originals as have escaped the perils of accident, and the negligence of their early keepers.
The letters of the Committee of Congress to the agents abroad were few, scanty, and meagre. This may be ascribed to two causes. First, there was really very little to communicate, which was not known through the public papers; and, secondly, it was not made the duty of any particular member of the Committee to write letters. Hence the agents frequently complained, that their despatches were not answered, and that they were embarrassed for want of intelligence. When Mr Livingston came into the office of Foreign Affairs, a salutary change took place in this respect. His letters are numerous, full, and instructive.
In preparing the papers for the press, according to the spirit of the resolution of Congress, the first rule has been to print such matter only as possesses some value, either as containing historical facts, or illustrating traits of character, or developing the causes of prominent events. In such a mass of materials, so varied in their character and in the topics upon which they treat, it has not always been easy to discriminate with precision in regard to these points. The editor can only say, that he has exercised his best judgment to accomplish the end proposed. His task has been rendered still more perplexing, from the disputes, and even quarrels, which existed between the early American Commissioners, and with the effects of which a large portion of their correspondence is tinged. No worthy purpose can be answered by reviving the remembrance of these contentions at the present day; but, at the same time, such particulars ought to be retained, as will exhibit in their proper light the characters of the persons concerned, and show how far their altercations operated to the public good or injury. This line has been pursued as far as practicable, and those parts of the correspondence chiefly marked with personalities, and touching little on public interests, have been omitted, as neither suited to the dignity of the subject, nor to the design of this publication.
On perusing these volumes, it may at first seem extraordinary, that so large a collection of letters, written by different persons at different times, embracing topics of great moment, and assuming the character of secret and confidential despatches, should be so generally well fitted to meet the public eye. But it must be kept in mind, that the writers knew their letters would be read in open Congress, which was much the same as publishing them, and under this impression they were doubtless prompted to study circumspection, both in matter and manner.
From the first pages of Jared Sparks' 1829 compilation, the reader encounters not polished state papers but hurried, confidential dispatches marked by the pressures of war. Robert Morris, writing to the commissioners in December 1776, complains that Congress 'persist in the attempt to execute, as well as to deliberate on their business' and warns that 'it never will be done as it ought.' This volume, drawn from original manuscripts in the Department of State, preserves the raw voice of men who balanced military collapse, secret committees, and the urgent need for French aid.
Unvarnished Complaints and Candid Assessments
Morris's letter to the commissioners exemplifies the unfiltered tone that pervades the correspondence. He admits to having 'often told it to them before' regarding the lack of intelligence, and notes that 'some of us are of very sanguine complexions, and are too apt to flatter ourselves.' The language is direct, personal, and impatient—a stark contrast to the formal resolutions of Congress. Morris insists that the commissioners 'should be fairly and fully informed of the true state of affairs,' revealing a tension between secrecy and transparency that runs through the volume. His aside about Doctor Franklin's safe arrival and his compliments to Mr. Lee show how these letters served both official business and personal connection.
The Committee's Strategic Urgency
A letter from the Committee of Secret Correspondence, dated Baltimore, December 30, 1776, shifts to a more measured but equally urgent register. It reports General Washington's crossing of the Delaware and the attack at Trenton, described as 'the success that you will see related in the enclosed handbill.' The committee then declares that 'the speedy declaration of France and European assistance' is 'indispensably necessary to secure the independence of these States.' The language is deliberate, authorizing the commissioners to 'make such tenders to France and Spain' as will prevent delay. The contrast between Morris's personal exasperation and the committee's strategic framing highlights the multiple voices at work in this diplomatic record.
Pace and Pressure in Revolutionary Correspondence
The excerpts reveal a correspondence driven by immediate military and political crises. Morris writes from Philadelphia after Congress has departed, noting that 'my own affairs necessarily detained me here' and that he finds 'my presence so very necessary, that I shall remain here until the enemy drive me away.' The committee's letter, written just days later from Baltimore, shows the rapid movement of the government and the constant need to relay news of battles and shifting strategies. The pace is breathless: letters cross the Atlantic, enclosures are sent, and footnotes reference earlier pages. This is not a retrospective history but a real-time negotiation conducted under the threat of British occupation.
Readers approaching this volume should expect to navigate a dense web of names, committees, and cross-references. The footnotes, added by Sparks, provide essential orientation. Pay attention to the dates and locations of each letter—they map the physical and political movement of the Revolution. The correspondence is best read as a series of tactical exchanges, where every complaint and request carries the weight of a war still undecided.
Reading Robert Morris’s plain-spoken exasperation in The Diplomatic Correspondence, I felt the weight of imperfect people wrestling with a fragile cause. It reminded me of another quiet ache—the way private threads of grey gold hold a story together, not neatly, but honestly. There’s a gentleness in that collection, Threads of Grey and Gold — A Closer Reading, that stays with me like a half-remembered porch light.
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